The s were symptomatic of the transactionalism that had long characterized relations between Syria and Iran. By the late s, Syria had forged strong relations with opposition figures through the rising Lebanese-Iranian Shia leader Imam Musa al-Sadr. While many other Arab states feared that Iran might export its revolution to Arab Shia populations, the Assad regime did not share their concerns. When the Brotherhood launched a campaign of attacks against the Assad regime in and , Iran, in turn, abandoned it.
Multinational Western forces stationed in Lebanon following the invasion tried to secure a Syrian withdrawal, while the Israeli army operated mainly south of Beirut and in southern Lebanon. Early cells of Hezbollah militants began attacking Western and Israeli forces, which allowed the fledging party to expand its power and reach. Only later, however, would Hezbollah transform into a more cohesive organization, when the party released an open letter in that outlined its political program and signaled a new era in revolutionary Shia politics. As the Syrian regime tried to reassert its domination over the country, it had to carefully prevent Iran from driving the agenda.
The Syrians were, therefore, wary of supporting a Tehran-backed group as the de facto representative of the Shia community when its own primary Shia ally was the Amal Movement. This growing rivalry led to escalating tensions and armed clashes between the Amal Movement and Hezbollah. The Syrian army occasionally intervened against Hezbollah on behalf of its ally.
Aqel Hamiyeh, an Amal official who played a leading role in the conflict with Hezbollah, later described the mood at the time:. Hezbollah became more stubborn in Baalbek and the villages around Baalbek.
- AJCS ranked top think tank in the Gulf and fifth in the Middle East and North Africa in 2018?
- Publisher Description.
- Phytoremediation: Role of Aquatic Plants in Environmental Clean-Up;
- Handbook of Biocide and Preservative Use.
The Iranians told us that we could resist together, but on the ground, things were going differently. The Iranians had their own agenda. The Iranians were working for something new. In May , fighting between the two sides left three Hezbollah members and two Syrian soldiers dead.
Syria and Iran: Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System - CRC Press Book
Following the Fathallah massacre, conflict between the Amal Movement and Hezbollah spread. Qassem later wrote that Hezbollah leaders had requested a meeting with Hafez al-Assad to discuss the deployment. Major global change also impacted the situation in Lebanon. By the late s, the collapse of the Soviet Union seemed imminent.
To compensate for the loss of its major international backer, Damascus was compelled to engage in a rapprochement with the United States. In light of its rapprochement with the United States, Syria also worked to free Western hostages still being held by Hezbollah. This rapprochement hardly aligned with Iranian interests, given the hostility between Tehran and many Western countries, particularly the United States.
This restraint was on display in September , when hundreds of pro-Hezbollah demonstrators protested in Beirut against the Oslo Accords signed between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel.
- Join Kobo & start eReading today?
- Float Analysis: Powerful Technical Indicators Using Price and Volume.
- Main navigation (extended config).
- Perform, Repeat, Record : Live Art in History.
- Syria and Iran: Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System?
- Split: A Counterculture Childhood?
While this provoked new protests, the situation was contained. The incident, which could not have taken place without implicit Syrian approval, heightened tensions between Syria, Hezbollah, and Iran. This message apparently reached Washington. It was well summarized by then national security adviser Anthony Lake in a lecture he gave in May He observed that when the Syrian president stated that he regarded peace as a strategic choice,.
Hezbollah leaders argued how best to pursue an extremist agenda in an era of Israeli-Lebanese peace. Iranian officials hurriedly visited Damascus but apparently left empty-handed, and when they got home, the Iranian clergy began criticizing the leadership for failing to prevent the emerging isolation of their nation.
Syria and Iran - Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System (Electronic book text)
Syria had to find other means of justifying military action against Israel after Israeli forces withdrew from Lebanon, which they did by claiming that parts of Lebanese territory were still occupied. From then on, Syria and Hezbollah regarded their strategic interests as much more closely aligned. Shifting regional dynamics following the U. It was widely believed that the Syrian regime was involved.
Following a United Nations investigation of the crime, Hezbollah party members were accused as well. Hariri and his allies intended to stand against pro-Syrian candidates in the next parliamentary elections and believed they were guaranteed to win a majority, 24 which would have undermined the Syrian-imposed order in Lebanon and weakened both Syria and Hezbollah.
Anti-Syrian demonstrations in Beirut, coupled with outside pressure, compelled Assad to withdraw his forces from Lebanon in April, making Hezbollah the primary decisionmaker on the ground for the Syria-Hezbollah-Iran alliance. The party thus ushered in a new era in its relationship with the Syrian regime, in which it was no longer the junior partner.
In its place, Hezbollah sought to fill the vacuum, thanks to the political leverage it enjoyed due to its military capabilities and ability to mobilize the Shia community. In , Hezbollah joined the Lebanese government for the first time. Naim Qassem has explained why Hezbollah concluded that its participation in governance was necessary, arguing that the new cabinet would have real authority, unlike previous ones under Syrian control. While preserving its alliance with the Syrian regime, Hezbollah was now autonomous in its decisionmaking.
This was evident in summer , when Hezbollah and Israel engaged in a thirty-four-day war. During that conflict, the Syrian regime tapped into its own arsenal to supply Hezbollah with weapons for the first time, including millimeter and millimeter rockets. At the same time, Syria normalized relations with European countries, notably France under then president Nicolas Sarkozy, ending the isolation it faced after the Hariri assassination.
The outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March again altered the relationship between the Syrian regime and Hezbollah.
After the Syrian uprising began, the Assad regime came to depend on Hezbollah and Iran for its survival, shifting the balance of relations even more to their advantage. This replicated what Hezbollah had done in Lebanon—building up an independent armed force in the midst of a weak state. The alliance between Hezbollah and Syria had reached a new phase in which the party not only dictated the terms of the relationship but also had room to expand its ideological, military, and political influence inside Syria. Initially, Hezbollah framed its Syrian intervention as motivated by the protection of Lebanese-Syrian dual nationals living on the Syrian side of the border.
The conflict in Lebanon was possible due to the weak Lebanese state, he continued, unlike in Syria, where a strong government was in place. In other words, Nasrallah highlighted the potential advantages of a weak Syrian state, underlining how it would allow Iran and Hezbollah to pursue their goal of resistance against Israel.
On May 19, , Hezbollah and Syrian forces launched a major offensive to retake Qusayr. Hezbollah suffered heavy casualties during the operation, which last nearly twenty days. Syria is the back of the resistance and its foundation, and the resistance cannot stand by watching, leaving its back exposed or its foundation broken, otherwise we would be idiots. If Syria falls into American and takfiri hands, the resistance will be surrounded and Israel will enter Lebanon to impose its conditions and again carry Lebanon into an Israeli era.
For Iran and Hezbollah, the fighting in Syria presented an opportunity to not only establish a foothold in Syria through local Shia militias, but also to facilitate future Iranian intervention across the Middle East by training non-Syrian pro-Iran militias. These mobilization efforts extended to religion itself. In , the Supreme Islamic Jaafari Council, the first independent Shia representative body in Syria, was established.
By the end of , armed Syrian Shia groups had become more visible. Quwwat al-Rida, the most prominent militia in Homs Governorate, became a clear manifestation of tensions between Hezbollah and the Syrian regime. The militia, which recruited from the city of Homs and villages surrounding it, helped break the siege of two Shia towns in Aleppo Governorate, Nubol and Zahraa. Moreover, Syrian Shia militias often criticized the state security services on social media platforms, calling them incompetent—a striking transgression in what had been a tightly controlled system.
By starting to pay the salaries of militia members, the regime increased its leverage over them and undermined the influence of Hezbollah. An internal investigation by a Quwwat al-Rida committee, leaked in April to a Lebanese website, revealed the obstacles Iran faced trying to transform Syria into a testing ground for its regional agenda. Hezbollah was also displeased that their Syrian recruits were not as responsive to indoctrination as Lebanese fighters were.
The Syrian Shia community was not cohesive and unified, which prevented the formation of a broad Shia organization throughout Syria. Shia represent only a small minority of the Syrian population, 1—2 percent, and are dispersed across Syria, which limited the threat they posed to the regime.
We moved your item s to Saved for Later. There was a problem with saving your item s for later. You can go to cart and save for later there. Average rating: 0 out of 5 stars, based on 0 reviews Write a review. Anoushiravan Ehteshami.
- Makale » DergiPark!
- The Basics of Selection!
- Von der Welt verlang ich nichts, Aria, No. 7 from Cantata No. 64: Sehet, welch eine Liebe (Piano Score).
Tell us if something is incorrect. Add to Cart.
Related Syria and Iran: Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved