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Anthropological Perspectives pp. Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press. Erickson, C. Historical Ecology and Future Explorations. In: J. Lehmann et al. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publisher. Evans, C. American Antiquity, 16 1 , 1—9. American Antiquity, 22 3 , — Fiedel, S. Prehistory of the Americas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gasson, R. Journal of World Prehistory, 16 3 , — Glaser, B. In: B. Glaser, W. Woods eds. Berlin: Springer. Gomes, C. Grann, D. Zaginione miasto Z. Warszwa: Wydawnictwo W.
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Hecht, S. Lehmann ed. Lehmann, J. Soil Fertility and Production Potential. Locke, J. MacCormack, S. In: F. Salomon, S. Schwartz eds. South America pp. Meggers, B. Archaeology of the Amazon Basin.
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Steward ed. The tropical forest tribes pp. Washington D. Government Printing Office. Environmental Limitation on the Development of Culture. American Anthropologist, New Series 56 5 , — Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise. Wheeling: Harlan Davidson.
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Neves, E. In: H. Silverman, W. Isbell eds. Oliver, J. Neves eds , Unknown Amazon. The archaeological evidence of migratory waves in the Caribbean forms the basis of Allaire's discussion in Chapter 8. Rivera in his Chapter 9 on the Southern Cone is concerned to question the stigma of the term "marginal," which the Handbook attached to the Southernmost peoples.
Chapters 10 through 14 outline the impact of indigenous imperial expansions on the peoples of South America. Rostworowski and Morris analyze the indigenous empire of the Inka in Chapter 10, emphasizing distinctive organizing premises of economy and ideology. They are followed by a set of regional studies of the crisis and transformation of indigenous societies in the face of European contact to about Whitehead on the Caribbean, Spalding on the Andean region, Monteiro on Brazil, and Garavaglia on Paraguay and the pampas.
This organization invites comparisons. Inka expansion operated within an economic and ideological framework that combined domination with managed and idealized concepts of complementarity and centralized redistribution. The Iberian empires driven by the expansive dynamism of Mediterranean mercantile-military society and religious fervor expanded throughout the Americas, at first by harnessing the impetus of internal political and social changes that the conquest itself set in motion.
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These transformations and innovations took different forms, dependent in large part on the nature of the indigenous societies. In the Caribbean islands and the northern mainland of South America, where Cariban and Arawakan groups culturally predominated, invasion entailed not only the notorious.
It yielded a pattern of significant settlement in a few principal ports but virtually no European settlement in the interior except on the Orinoco. Although those societies in direct contact with the Spanish suffered profound transformations, Whitehead points out in Chapter 11 that many peoples of northern South America were little affected prior to In contrast, Karen Spalding shows in Chapter 12 that in the Andean region the Spanish conquerors appropriated a gigantic preexisting power structure and made rapid use of indigenous means of centralization.
At the same time, however, the entanglement of individual Spaniards in the politics of local chiefdoms created webs of collaboration, factionalism, and resistance that limited Spain's early attempts at centralization. The Portuguese and to a lesser extent the French on the Brazilian coast, both in contact with predominantly Tupi-Guarani peoples, depended on alliance and barter in early relations. Here there was no political centralization and "acute and persistent" political fragmentation as well as cultural diversity, which was appropriated and manipulated by the Europeans.
John Monteiro's Chapter 13 describes an intermittent and slow process, a pattern of trade and alliance shifting to warfare, enslavement, and conversion and eventually accompanied by demographic collapse and cultural disruption among the peoples of the Brazilian littoral.
They responded by retreat, resistance, and revitalization movements. In the Rio de la Plata, the extension of European conquests of Peru and Brazil encountered stateless societies and inherited kinship-based forms of alliance and inequality. Juan Carlos Garavaglia shows that the process of conquest stimulated new mutations of a prophetic and rebellious tradition among Tupian and Guaranfan peoples and created a contested rather than compliant background for their participation in the coercive Utopias of the Franciscan and Jesuit missions.
Chapters 15 to 20 move beyond the period of crisis to deal with the colonial condition, extending, in fact, in some places well beyond the formal "colonial" period and into the era of the independent nationstates of the region. For the Andean region, the late Thierry Saignes in Chapter 15 shows how "the people called Indians" replaced their demolished overarching indigenous institutions by demanding that native lords mediate skillfully with the colonial regime.
Under that mediation, they developed networks of commerce and used Catholic institutions like. For Araucania, the Chilean and Argentine terrain of the peoples whose major descendants are the Mapuche, Kris Jones in Chapter 16 shows that active resistance and techniques of adaptation and incorporation of intrusive material goods and individuals fostered a resistance so successful that it provided a continuity extending to the end of the nineteenth century.
A similar approach is taken by Anne Christine Taylor in Chapter 17 on the Andean-Amazonian area of interaction where there was no decisive period of colonial transformation.
enter She argues that the traditional division between "civilized" highlands and "primitive" lowlands is itself a reflection of these colonial failures. James Saeger in Chapter 18 considers the people of Paraguay and the Chaco from the late sixteenth century to Counterposing the cultures of the Guarani and Guaicuruan peoples and their subsequent histories under colonial rule, he emphasizes the similarity of their history to that of other indigenous peoples of the continent.
In Chapter 19, Robin Wright and his collaborators, using a variety of examples from the Amazon basin and coastal and southern Brazil, trace the destruction, retreat, and survival of various indigenous groups. Reflecting recent historiographical trends, this chapter is able to document continuities in indigenous-white relations extending from the colonial to the national periods through the end of the Brazilian empire in Finally, Neil Whitehead in Chapter 20 carries the story of the peoples of northeastern South America from the Orinoco to the Caribbean from the sixteenth to the twentieth century.
His emphasis is on the complexity of indigenous responses and on changes within indigenous societies themselves in an area where the competition between Europeans often created unsuspected latitude and opportunities for indigenous autonomy. We close the colonial and neo-colonial era with a double retrospective that presages both the conceptual collapse of colonial ethnic definitions and the end of the colonial order. In Chapter 21, Schwartz and Salomon emphasize the way in which the colonial era undid the simple idea of "native" America by generating new peoples in the interstices of officially visible social organization.
A process of ethnogenesis created new social types - mestizos, "tribes," individuals who crossed cultural frontiers and created still less-recognized categories hard to define in colonial or modern ethnic terms. In Chapter 22, Luis Miguel Glave examines the political breakdown of colonial arrangements, which provoked indige-. Chapters 23 and 24 are broad, synthetic overviews of the era of Independence and the nineteenth century, roughly divided between "highland" and "lowland" South America.
Brooke Larson first contrasts the quite different fortunes of the respective peoples of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia in the face of these would-be-national statebuilding projects.
Jonathan Hill views the northern and southern lowlands in the era of nation-building and through the disastrous rubber boom. In both of these chapters, we see how the equivocally "national" character of the Creole patriotic movements for independence, and their racial exclusivism, led the beneficiaries of colonial failure to build independent states hostile to indigenous peoples. These processes created an alienation between official nationhood and on-the-ground cultural diversity that is still historiographically difficult to penetrate. The final two chapters concern the recent era, for which ethnography and the self-scholarship of modern native South Americans each complement exterior historiography.
The central theme of these chapters is the modern search for organizational forms capable of asserting ethnic interests against the grain of most state and church institutions. In Chapter 25, Xavier Alb6 examines the Andean countries where most Quechua and Aymara societies by had been compressed into a single social class, the peasantry.
He describes the breakdown of the old agrarian order and the remarkable consequences, diversifying throughout the Andean countries: syndicalism and revolution in Bolivia; migration and "deIndianization" amid a failing "revolution from above" in Peru, and federative ethnic movements in Ecuador among others. In Chapter 26, David Maybury-Lewis views the lowland peoples of the continent.
Outlining the development of indigenous federations and other institutions, he emphasizes how they have succeeded in expressing their desire for rights to land and local autonomy as a way to safeguard their own cultures. The lowlanders have stressed the ethnic and cultural dimensions of their struggle as corporate entities within and across modern national states.
Related The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, Volume 3, Part 1: South America
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